Sa légende est faite de perversité et d’exécration. Il comprendra en même temps quels furent les jugements des Romains les bons empereurs ont régné longtemps et n’ont été enlevés au monde que par la mort naturelle : tandis que les autres furent tués, traînés ignominieusement, flétris comme tyrans : leurs noms même ne se prononcent qu’à regret. » Dans la quatrième de couverture ( 1979), J.M.G Le Clézio écrit, « Héliogabale, né sur un berceau de sperme, mort sur un oreiller de sang, est un noir héros de notre monde. Mais puisque la même terre produit le poison qui tue et le blé qui fait vivre, offre le remède à côté du mal, et donne naissance au serpent et à la cigogne, le lecteur attentif établira dans son esprit la compensation, puisque, pour opposer à de si monstrueux tyrans, il a pu voir Auguste, Vespasien, Titus, Trajan, Adrien, Antonin le Pieux, Marc-Aurèle. M.Roubini nous met en garde il a raison de le faire parce que j’ai le sentiment comme il l’écrit dans sa dernière phrase que «le règne de l’empereur Trump pourrait ne plus être loin.» Cette phrase m’a fait sursauter, me remémorant le texte d’Antonin Artaud (1896-1948), Heliogabale ou l’anarchiste couronné ( Imaginaire-Gallimard, N☃6) qui raconte l’histoire de l’empereur Antonin Heliogabale (218-222 ) et dont Elius Lampridius dira, «Jamais je n’aurais pu me décider à écrire la vie d’Héliogabale, qui fut aussi appelé Varius, et à faire connaître au monde que les Romains ont eu pour prince un pareil monstre, si déjà avant lui ce même empire n’avait eu les Caligula, les Néron et les Vitellius. And the Republican tax-reform plan that he has endorsed would overwhelmingly favor multinational corporations and the top 1% of households, many of which stand to benefit especially from the repeal of the estate tax. His deregulatory policies are blatantly biased against workers and unions. Trump and the Republicans’ plan to repeal the 2010 Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) would have left 24 million Americans – mostly poor or middle class, many of whom voted for him – without health care. Yet he has stacked his administration with billionaires (not just millionaires) and Goldman Sachs alumni, while letting the swamp of business lobbyists rise higher than ever. Trump also ran as someone who would “drain the swamp” in Washington, DC, and on Wall Street. Trump rejected the Republican Party’s traditional pro-business, pro-trade agenda, and, like Bernie Sanders on the left, appealed to Americans who have been harmed by disruptive technologies and “globalist” policies promoting free trade and migration.īut while Trump ran as a populist, he has governed as a plutocrat, most recently by endorsing the discredited supply-side theory of taxation that most Republicans still cling to. © London School of Economics and Political Science 2017.NEW YORK – Donald Trump won the US presidency with the backing of working-class and socially conservative white voters on a populist platform of economic nationalism. Trump inequality polarization populism presidentialism. The chasm between Trump's rhetoric and his actions justifies a more skeptical assessment of the breadth and depth of American populism, one that acknowledges how its contours are shaped by the nation's unusual political institutions, its intensifying political polarization and the out-sized influence of the wealthy. ![]() Yet the administration's substantive agenda constitutes a full-throated endorsement of the GOP economic elite's long-standing demands for cuts in social spending, tax reductions for the wealthy, and the gutting of consumer, worker and environmental protections. American political institutions offered a distinctive opportunity for a populist figure to draw on this fury to first capture the nomination of the GOP, and from that position to ascend to the White House. Although American right-wing populism has real social roots, it has long been nurtured by powerful elites seeking to undercut support for modern structures of economic regulation and the welfare state. Any effort to situate Trump's ascendance in the broader currents of cross-national developments, or in the longer course of American political development, must begin by recognizing it as a curious hybrid of populism and plutocracy.
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